Since the Democratic Progressive Party came to power in 2000, and after it returned to power in 2016, there has been a continuous stream of articles in the local Taiwanese press saying that Taiwan is already an independent sovereign nation, or asserting that the independence and sovereignty of Taiwan should be fully recognized. Of course, the point of making all of these arguments is to stress that Taiwan should be acknowledged as a normal country by the world community, and its diplomatic isolation should be ended. Are these types of arguments valid? Numerous writers have listed the four criteria for statehood as specified in the Montevideo Convention of 1934. Taiwan appears to meet all of these criteria, but in fact it doesn't. As a simple example, let's look at "a defined territory." In 1944, the Pentagon held many meetings to discuss the future planned military occupation of Taiwan. That military occupation began on October 25, 1945, but there was no transfer of the "sovereignty" of Formosa and the Pescadores to the Republic of China (ROC) on that date. Moreover, there was no transfer of the sovereignty of these areas in the post-war peace treaty. Hence today, what is the role of the ROC in Formosa and the Pescadores? The answer is "squatters." Unfortunately, many editors, reporters, and free-lance contributors to the Taiwanese media consistently ignore these facts. For the few who do, however, they then go on to say that whatever the post-war legal reality might have been, the situation of today (in the early 21st century) is different. Their misconceptions may be briefly categorized as below. Misconceptions
The pro-localization newspapers in Taiwan continually stress numerous goals. Among the most important of these are (1) get rid of the ROC nomenclature, (2) accomplish name rectification for Taiwan, and (3) draft a new constitution. We might ask the following question: Will a stress on the logic of "We are already independent," or "Our independence should be recognized" help the Taiwanese people to accomplish these goals? One need only re-read the three categories of misconceptions outlined above to ascertain that the answer is negative. Hence, in regard to the "territorial sovereignty" of Formosa and the Pescadores, we are in a real quandary. Many people stress that the PRC does not own it, because there is no record of such a transfer. From the above analysis, it is clear that the ROC does not own it. Our conclusion must be that Taiwan is not part of the PRC, not part of the ROC, and not independent. This is rather puzzling. How can we determine the true facts of the matter? To discuss this, we need to look at the international treaty law concept of "escheat," which is defined as "reversion of property to the state in the absence of legal heirs or claimants." How does this apply to occupied territory over which the sovereignty has been renounced in the peace treaty, without the specification of a receiving country? The answer is that the title to the territory is held by "the conqueror," which in the post-Napoleonic period will be "the (principal) occupying power." This is not ownership, but more of a "quasi-trusteeship." WWII History During the WWII period, all military attacks against Japanese instillations in Taiwan were conducted by United States military forces. The historical record shows that bombing raids against targets in Taiwan began in earnest on October 12, 1944. At no time did the military forces of the Republic of China participate in attacks against Taiwan. After the dropping of two atomic bombs on Japan, the Japanese Emperor agreed to an unconditional surrender on August 15, 1945. On September 2, General Douglas MacArthur issued General Order No. 1, which described procedures for the surrender ceremonies and military occupation of over twenty areas. After a thorough reading of General Order No. 1, we need to answer an important question: "Who is the occupying power?" The only possible answer is: "It is the United States." (This assertion is also fully confirmed by Article 23 of the post-war SFPT -- the United States is "the principal occupying power.") The Hague Conventions of 1907 state that "Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army." Taiwan's international status Beginning from the 1898 Spanish American War period, the three fundamental criteria for the recognition of a type of US insular area are -- conquest by US military forces, the US as "the (principal) occupying power," and territorial cession in the peace treaty. This is the categorization for the initial four insular areas of Philippines, Guam, Cuba, and Puerto Rico. Taiwan also fits these criteria exactly. With a full clarification of Taiwan's international legal position, the Taiwanese people can demand that the United States government issue the order for the ROC to disband, because the ROC is blocking the Taiwanese people from enjoying fundamental rights under the US Constitution. With the ROC out of the way, Taiwan can enjoy name rectification, and make preparations to call a constitutional convention to draft a new constitution. Approached in this way, a full implementation of the three goals mentioned above would not be a unilateral change in the status quo, but just a full clarification of the status quo. Could the US President object to such a procedure? If so, he could be impeached. For the benefit of Taiwan's future, the authors would suggest that pro-Taiwan advocacy groups in the USA consider promoting this rationale among members of the US Congress. Escheat and Sovereignty A more detailed treatment of escheat and related sovereignty issues is given below. In particular, a full explanation of where the sovereignty of Taiwan is at the present time, and the correct determination of the citizenship of the local Taiwanese populace is offered. After studying a wide number of situations of military occupation in the post-Napoleonic era, and working through many scenarios for final disposition of the territory, it is the authors' conclusion that the general rule may be stated as follows: "The sovereignty of an area under military occupation is held in trust by the principal occupying power, and this is an interim status condition." This rule may be easily derived by considering a few scenarios. Let us base these scenarios on a slightly embellished version of the situation in Cuba after the Spanish - American War. According to the historical record, all military attacks against Spanish installations and fortifications in Cuba were conducted by United States military forces. The United States is the principal occupying power. However, let us add the stipulation that the military occupation of the western third of the island has been delegated to Venezuelan military troops. Again, following the historical record, in the post war peace treaty, which came into effect on April 11, 1899, (Treaty of Paris, 30 Stat. 1754; TS 343), Spain renounced the sovereignty of Cuba, but no "receiving country" was specified for the cession. Three Hypothetical Scenarios for the determination of Cuba's Final Political Status
Before entering the Spanish American War, the United States renounced any intention to annex the island.01 Considering any one of the above scenarios, who will decide the future "final status" of Cuba after the period of military occupation? The only possible answer is that the U.S. President, in consultation with his Cabinet members and other experts, will decide. This is because the U.S. President has plenary powers over foreign affairs. After the coming into effect of the peace treaty, and when Cuba is still in a "transitory period" (interim status) under military occupation, Cuba's status is that of a sub-sovereign entity, and it is "foreign territory under the dominion of the United States."02 Hence, the possible outcomes for the above three scenarios can be condensed as follows: In Scenario 1, the U.S. President can choose for official U.S. policy to be to nurture one of the local groups to develop into the "government of Cuba" and then unfetter the sovereignty of the island to them. Or he can choose to look into one of the other two Scenarios. In Scenario 2, the U.S. President can choose which of the local governments appears to be most friendly to the United States, and then unfetter the sovereignty of the island to them. In Scenario 3, the U.S. President can, in conjunction with the Venezuelan President, issue a Caracas Communique, and specify that Venezuela is the lawful government of the area. (Due to the separation of powers doctrine, his actions in this regard are not subject to review by the U.S. Judiciary or the U.S. Congress.) He can wait for the Venezuelans and Cubans to determine how the annexation will proceed. When the Venezuelan civil government is set up in Cuba and ready to assume control, the U.S. President can then unfetter the sovereignty of the island to them. Hence we may say that the territorial sovereignty of Cuba is being held in trust, in the form of a fiduciary obligation,03 by the principal occupying power, and this is an interim status condition. This also corresponds to the analysis given above in regard to the disposition of "territorial title" of occupied territory over which the sovereignty has been renounced in the peace treaty, but without the specification of a receiving country. Clearly, the title to the territory escheats to "the conqueror," which in the post-Napoleonic period is "the (principal) occupying power." This is not ownership, but more of a "quasi-trusteeship." For the situation of Taiwan, the following facts provide a convenient summary. Location of Sovereignty: Synopsis for Taiwan
Cuba & Taiwan A closer examination of the situations of Cuba (according to the Treaty of Paris) and Taiwan (according to the San Francisco Peace Treaty) may be made as follows: |
Item | Treaty of Paris specifications for Cuba |
SFPT specifications for Taiwan |
United States is the (principal) occupying power | Article 1 | Article 23 |
Original "owner" did indeed cede the territory | Article 1 | Article 2(b) |
No "receiving country" was specified (i.e. "limbo cession") | Article 1 | Article 2(b) |
USMG has disposition rights over the territory | Article 1 | Article 4(b) |
Military government is present, and military occupation is a reality | Article 1 | Article 4(b) and the Hague Conventions (1907) |
USMG jurisdiction continues past the date when the peace treaty comes into effect | Article 1, and the US Supreme Court decision in Cross v. Harrison (1853) | Article 4(b), Article 23(a), and the US Supreme Court decision in Cross v. Harrison (1853) |
Citizenship of the Local Populace: Synopsis for Taiwan Based on the decision in Gonzales v. Williams, 192 U.S. 1 (1904) and other relevant Insular Cases of the Supreme Court which deal with nationality matters, after the April 11, 1899, treaty cession when Puerto Rico was still under the administrative authority of the USMG, and before the promulgation of the Foraker Act, May 1, 1900, the local people were "island citizens of the Puerto Rico cession." Hence, in Cuba, after the coming into effect of the treaty, when Cuba was under the administrative authority of the USMG (before independence on May 20, 1902) the local people were "island citizens of the Cuba cession." In Taiwan, after the coming into effect of the SFPT, with Taiwan under the administrative authority of the USMG, the local people are "island citizens of the Taiwan cession." Of course, the U.S. flag should be flying. Taiwan is foreign territory under the dominion of the United States, which is "unincorporated territory under USMG." Taiwan fully qualifies as a Type 1 Insular Area of the United States, or more colloquially it is a "quasi-trusteeship under the United States Military Government within the insular law framework." The passport issued to Taiwanese citizens would be similar to a "trusteeship" one, and would fall under the category of "U.S. national, non-citizen." This is a jus soli nationality based on the U.S. Supreme Court's Insular Cases, and not based on the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Taiwanese persons currently carry a Republic of China passport, which is the passport of a non-sovereign nation. Clearly, they have the right to a passport issued under United States' administrative authority, since this is part of the "liberty" guaranteed them by the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and such liberty is considered a "fundamental right."10 Footnotes:
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